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TO THE NON-SLAVEHOLDERS OF THE SOUTH.
We present to you herewith “A
Plan for the Abolition of
Slavery,” and solicit your aid
to carry it into execution.
Your numbers, combined with
those of the Slaves, will give
you all power. You have but to
use it, and the work is done.
The following self-evident
principles of justice and humanity
will serve a. guides to the
measures proper to be adopted.
These principles are -
1. That the Slaves have a
natural right to their liberty.
2. That they have a natural
right to compensation (so far as
the property of the Slaveholders
and their abettors can
compensate them) for the wrongs
they have suffered.
3. That so long as the
governments, under which they
live, refuse to give them
liberty or compensation, they
have the right to take it by
stratagem or force.
4. That it is the duty of all,
who can, to assist them in such
an enterprise.
In rendering this assistance,
you will naturally adopt these
measures.
1. To ignore and spurn the
authority of all the corrupt and
tyrannical political
institutions, which the
Slaveholders have established
for the security of their
crimes.
2.
Soon as may be, to take
the political Power of your
States into your own hands, and
establish governments that shall
punish slaveholding as a crime,
and also give to the Slaves
civil actions for damages for
the wrongs that have already
been committed against them.
3. Until such new governments
shall be instituted, to
recognize the Slaves as free
men, and as being the rightful
owners of the property, which is
now held by their masters, but
which would pass to them, if
justice were done; to justify
and assist them in every effort
to acquire their liberty, and
obtain possession, of such
property, by stratagem or force;
to hire them as laborers, pay
them their wages, and defend
them meanwhile against their
tyrants; to sell them fire-arms
and teach them the use of them; to
trade with them, buying the
property they may have taken
from their oppressors,
and paying them for it; to
encourage and assist them to
take possession of the lands
they cultivate, and the crops
they produce, and appropriate
them to their own use; and in
every way possible to recognize
them as being now the rightful
owners of the property, which
justice, if administered,
would give them, in compensation
for the injuries they have
received.
4. To form Vigilance Committees,
or Leagues of Freedom, in
every neighborhood or township,
whose duty it shall be to stand
in the stead of the government,
and do that justice for the
slaves, which government refuses
to do; and especially to arrest,
try, and chastise (with their
own whips) all Slaveholders who
shall beat their slaves, or
restrain them of their liberty;
and compel them to give deeds of
emancipation, and conveyances
of their property, to their
slaves
5. To treat, and teach the
negroes to treat, all active abettors
of the Slaveholders, as you and
they treat the Slaveholders
themselves, both in person and
property.
Perhaps some may say that this
taking of property, by the
Slaves, would be stealing, and
should not be encouraged. The
answer is, that it would not be
stealing; it would be simply
taking justice into their own
hands, and redressing their own
wrongs. The state of Slavery is
a state of war. In this case it
is a just war, on the
part of the negroes - a war for
liberty, and the recompense of
injuries; and necessity
justifies them in carrying it on
by the only means their
oppressors have left to them. In
war, the plunder of enemies is
as legitimate as the killing of
them; and stratagem Is as
legitimate as open force. The
right of the Slaves, therefore,
in this war, to take property,
is as clear as their right to
take life; and their right to do
it secretly, is as clear as
their right to do it openly. And
as this will probably be their
most effective mode of operation
for the present, they ought to
be taught, encouraged, and
assisted to do it to the utmost,
so long as they are unable to
meet their enemies in the open
field. And to call this taking
of property stealing, Is as
false and unjust as it would be
to call the taking of life, in
just war, murder.
It is only those who have a
false and superstitious reverence
for the authority of
governments, and have contracted
the habit of thinking that the
most tyrannical and iniquitous
laws have the power to make that
right which is naturally wrong,
or that wrong which is naturally
right, who will have any doubt
as to the right of the Slaves
(and those who would assist
them) to make war, to all
possible extent, upon the
property of the Slaveholders and
their abettors.
We are unwilling to take the
responsibility of advising any
general insurrection, or any
taking of life, until we of the
North go down to take part in
it, in such numbers as to insure
a certain and easy victory. We
therefore advise that, for the
present, operations be confined
to the seizure of property, and
the chastisement of Individual
Slaveholders, and their
accomplices; and that these
things be done only so far as
they can be done, without too
great danger to the actors.
We specialty advise the flogging
of individual Slave-holders.
This is a case where the medical
principle, that like cures like,
will certainly succeed. Give the
Slave-holders, then, a taste of
their own whips. Spare their
lives, but not their backs. The
arrogance they have acquired by
the use of time lash upon
others, will be soon taken out
of them, when the same scourge
shall be applied to themselves.
A band of ten or twenty
determined negroes, well armed,
having their rendezvous in the
forests, coming out upon time
plantations by day or night,
seizing individual Slaveholders,
stripping then and
flogging them soundly, in time
presence of their own Slaves,
would soon abolish Slavery over
a large district.
These bands could also do a good
work by kidnapping individual
Slaveholders, taking them into
time forest, aunt holding them
as hostages for the good
behavior of the whites remaining
on time plantations; compelling
them also to execute deeds of
emancipation, and conveyances of
their property, to their
slaves. These contracts could
probably never afterward be
successfully disavowed on the
ground of duress (especially
after new governments, favorable
to liberty, should be
established) inasmuch as such
contracts would be nothing more
than justice; and men may
rightfully be coerced to do
justice. Such contracts would be
intrinsically as valid as the
treaties by which conquered
nations make satisfaction for
the injustice which caused the
war.
The more bold and resolute
Slaves should be encouraged to
form themselves into bands,
build forts in the forests, and
by such means us may be in there
collect arms, stores, horses, every thing
that will enable them to sustain
themselves, and carry on their
warfare upon the slave-holders.
Another important measure on the
part of the Slaves will be to
disarm their masters, so far as
that is practicable, by seizing
and concealing their weapons
whenever opportunity offers.
They should also kill all
slave-hunting dogs, and the
owners too, if that should prove
necessary.
Whenever the Slaves on a
plantation are not powerful or
courageous enough to resist,
they should be encouraged to
desert, in a body, temporarily,
especially at harvest time, so
as to cause the crops to perish
for want of hands to gather
them.
Many other ways will suggest
themselves to you, and to the
Slaves, by which the
Slaveholders can be annoyed and
injured, without causing any
general outbreak, or shedding of
blood. OUR PLAN
THEN IS -
1. To make war (openly or
secretly as circumstances may
dictate) upon the property of
the Slaveholders and their
abettors - not for its
destruction, if that can easily
be avoided, but to convert it to
the use of time Slaves. If it
cannot be thus converted, then
we advise its destruction. Teach
the Slaves to burn their
masters’ buildings, to kill
their cattle and horses, to
conceal or destroy farming utensils,
to abandon labor in seed time
and harvest, and let crops
perish. Make Slavery
unprofitable, in this way,
if it can be done in no other.
2. To make Slaveholders objects
of derision and contempt, by
flogging them, whenever they
shall be guilty of flogging
their slaves.
3. To risk no general
insurrection, until we of the
North go to your assistance,
or you are sure of success
without our aid.
4. To cultivate the friendship
and confidence of the Slaves; to
consult with them as to their
rights and interests, and the
means of promoting them; to show
your interest in their welfare,
and your readiness to assist
them. Let them know that they
have your sympathy, and it will
give them courage, self-respect,
and ambition, and make men of
them; infinitely better men to
live by, as neighbors and
friends, than the indolent,
arrogant, selfish, heartless,
domineering robbers and tyrants,
who now keep both yourselves and
the Slaves in subjection, and
look with contempt upon all who
live by honest labor.
5. To change your political
Institutions soon as possible.
And in the meantime give never a
vote to a Slaveholder; pay no
taxes to their government, if
you can either resist or evade
them; as witnesses and jurors,
give no testimony, and no
verdicts, in support of any
Slaveholding claims; perform no
military, patrol, or police
service; mob Slaveholding
courts, goals and sheriffs; do
nothing, in short, for sustaining
Slavery, but every thing you
safely and rightfully can,
publicly and privately, for its
overthrow.
White
rascals of the South! Willing
tools of the Slaveholders! You,
who drive Slaves to their labor,
hunt them with dogs, and flog
them for pay, without asking any
questions! We
have a word specially for you.
You are one of the main pillars
of the Slave system. You stand
ready to do all that vile and
inhuman work, which must be done
by somebody, but which the more
decent Slaveholders themselves
will not do. Yet we have heard one
good report even of you. It
is, that you have no such
prejudices against color, nor
against liberty, as that you
would not as willingly earn
money by helping a Slave to
Canada, as by catching a
fugitive and returning him to
his master. If you are thus
indifferent as to whom you
serve, we advise you henceforth
to serve the Slave, instead of
their masters. Turn about, and
help the robbed to rob their
robbers. The former can afford
to pay you better than the
latter. Help them to get
possession of the property which
is rightfully their due, and
they can afford to give you
liberal commissions. Help them
flog individual Slaveholders,
and they can afford to pay you
ten times as much as you ever
received for flogging Slave.
Help them to kidnap the
Slaveholders, and they can
afford to pay you more than you
now get for catching fugitive
Slaves. Be true to the Slaves,
and we hope they will pay you
well for your services. Be false
to them, and we hope they will
kill you.
Lawyers of
the South!
You can, if you will,
exert a potent influence for
good, in this matter.
If, in the true spirit of
law as a science, you shall see
a man in the most crushed of
human beings; and, recognizing
his right to obtain justice by
such means as may be in his
power, you shall take the side
of the oppressed, in this
controversy, and teach them
trample on their tyrants, and
vindicate their manhood - if you
do this, and then aid in
establishing new institutions,
based upon liberty, equality,
and right, you will have the
satisfaction of doing your part
towards binging into life a
great, free, and happy people,
where now all is crime, tyranny,
degradation, and death. If, on
the contrary, you shall take the
aide of the Slaveholders, and
continue to be - as,
professionally, under Slave
Institutions, you must forever
be - the degraded, pettifogging
pimps, hirelings, and tools of a
few soulless robbers of their
species - denying continually
the authority of justice, and
the rights of humanity - if you
shall do this, we need not
attempt to tell you what your
true rank will be in the scale
of lawyers, statesmen, patriots,
or men.
Merchants
of the South! We hope you
will deliberately consider this
matter, and make up your minds
whether the Slaves have the
right to take the property of
their masters, in compensation
for the injuries they have
suffered. If you decide that
they have that right, we hope
you will act accordingly, and
will not hesitate to buy of them
cotton, or any other property
which they may have taken from
their monsters; and give them,
in exchange, weapons, or any
other articles they may need. If
you will but do this, you will
soon put an end to Slavery.
Non-Slaveholders
generally of the South! If it is
right for the Slaves to take the
property of their
masters, to compensate their
wrongs, it is right for you to
help them. Your numbers,
compared with those of the
Slaveholders, are as five or six
to one. It will be perfectly
easy for you, by combining with
the Slaves, to put them in
possession of the plantations on
which they labor, and of all the
property upon them. They could
afford to pay you well for doing
them such a service. They could
afford to let you share with
them in the division of the
property taken. We hope you will
abut this measure. It will not
only be right in itself; it will
be the noblest act of your
lives, provided you do not
take too large a share to
yourselves; and provided also,
that you afterwards faithfully
protect the Slaves in their
liberty, and the property
assigned to them. Finally, we say to all, correspond with, us of time North. Let each person who receives or sees one of these sheets, send his letters to the one who sent it - with liberty to publish them in the northern papers. This correspondence, we are confident, will be a more interesting literature than the South has ever furnished; and will enlist the feelings of northern people to such a degree, that we shall be induced to go, in large numbers, to your assistance, whenever you shall need us. [The following note is to be addressed to some person at the South, and signed by the person sending it, giving his own residence.] SIR:
Please accept, and exhibit to
your neighbors, this copy of a
document, which we are intending
to distribute very extensively
through the South, and which, we
trust, will give birth to a
movement, that shall result not
only in the freedom of the
blacks, but also in the
political, pecuniary,
educational, moral, and social
advantage of the present
non-slaveholding whites. Please
let me hear, from you often,
informing me of the progress of
the work.
Direct to me at_____________
A PLAN FOR
THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY.
When a human being is set upon
by a robber, ravisher,
murderer, or tyrant of any kind,
it is the duty of the bystanders
to go to his or her rescue, by
force, if need be.
In general, nothing will excuse
men in the non-performance of
this duty, except the pressure
of higher duties, (if such there
be,) inability to afford relief,
or too great danger to
themselves or others.
This duty being naturally
inherent in human relations and
necessities, governments and
laws are of no authority in
opposition to it. If they
interpose themselves, they must
be trampled under foot without
ceremony, as we would trample
under foot laws that should
forbid us to rescue men from
wild beasts, or from burning
buildings.
On this principle, it is the
duty of the nonslaveholders of
this country, in their private
capacity as individuals -
without asking the permission,
or waiting the movements, of the
government - to go to the rescue
of the Slaves from the hands of
their oppressors.
This duty is so self-evident and
natural a one, that he who
pretends to doubt it, should be
regarded either as seeking to
evade it, or as himself a
servile and ignorant slave of
corrupt institutions or customs.
Holding these opinions, we
propose to act upon them. And we
invite all other citizens of the
United States to join us in the
enterprise. To enable them to
judge of its feasibility before
them the following programme
of measures, which, we think,
ought to be adopted, and would
be successful.
1. The formation of
associations, throughout the
country, of all persons who are
willing to pledge themselves publicly
to favor the enterprise, and
render assistance and support,
of any kind, to it.
2. Establishing or sustaining
papers to advocate the
enterprise.
3. Refusing to vote for any
person for any civil or military
office whatever, who is not
publicly committed to the
enterprise.
4. Raising money and military
equipments.
5. Forming and disciplining such
military companies as may
volunteer for actual service.
6. Detaching the
non-slaveholders of the South
from all alliance with the
Slaveholders, and inducing them
to co-operate with us, by
appeals to their safety,
interest, honor, justice, and
humanity.
7. Informing the Slaves (by
emissaries to be sent among
them, or through the
non-slaveholders of the South)
of the plan of emancipation,
that they may be prepared to
cooperate at the proper time.
8. To encourage emigration to
the South, of persons favoring
the movement.
9. When the preceding
preliminaries shall have
sufficiently prepared the way,
then to land military forces (at
numerous points at the same
time) in the South, who shall
raise the standard of freedom,
and call to it the slaves, and
such free persons as may be
willing to join it.
10. If emancipation shall be
accomplished only by actual
hostilities, then, as all the
laws of war, of nature, and of
justice, will require that the
emancipated Slaves shall be
compensated for their previous
wrongs, we avow it our purpose
to make such compensation, so
far as the property of the
Slaveholders and their abettors
can compensate them. And we avow
our intention to make known this
determination to the Slaves
beforehand, with a view to give
them courage and self-respect,
to nerve them to look boldly
into the eyes of their tyrants,
and to give them true ideas of
the relations of
justice existing between
themselves and their oppressors. 11. To remain in the South, after emancipation, until we shall have established, or have seen established, such governments as will secure the future freedom of the persons emancipated.
And we anticipate that the
public avowal of these measures,
and our open and zealous
preparation for them, will have
the effect, within some
reasonable time - we trust
within a few years at farthest -
to detach the government and
the country at large from the
interests of the Slaveholders;
to destroy the security and
value of Slave property; to
annihilate the commercial credit
of the Slave-holders; and
finally to accomplish the extinction
of Slavery. We hope it may be
without blood.
If it be objected that this
scheme proposes war, we confess
the fact. It does propose
war-private war indeed-but,
nevertheless, war, if that
should prove necessary. And our
answer to the objection is, that
in revolutions of this nature,
it is necessary that private
individuals should take the
first steps. The tea must be
thrown overboard, the Bastile
must be torn down, the first gun
must be fired, by private
persons, before a new government
can be organized, or the old one
be forced (for nothing but
danger to itself will force it)
to adopt the measures which the
insurgents have in view.
If the American governments,
State or national, would abolish
Slavery, we would leave the work
in their hands. But as they do
not, and apparently will not, we
propose to force them to
do it, or to do it ourselves in
defiance of them.
If any considerable number of
the American people will join
us, the work will be an easy and
bloodless one; for Slavery can
live only in quiet, and in the
sympathy or subjection of all
around it.
WE, the subscribers, residents
of the Town of_____________in
the County of___________in the
state of_____________believing
in the principles, and approving
generally of the measures, set
forth in the foregoing “Plan
for the Abolition of Slavery,”
and in the accompanying
address “To the
Non-Slaveholders of the
South,” hereby unite
ourselves in an Association to
be called the LEAGUE
OF FREEDOM in the Town of____________for
the purpose of aiding to carry
said plan into effect. And we
hereby severally declare it to
be our sincere intention to
co-operate faithfully with each
other, and with all other
associations within the United
States, having the same purpose
in view, and adopting the same
platform of principles and
measures. |