Boston Jany 18, 1852

Dear Bradburn,

     I received your letter in due time, but have delayed to answer it, that I might inform Mrs. Bradburn what I had done with her letter for Miss Hinckley.  When the letter came, Miss H. was gone, but had left word that she would probably be back in two or three days. She did not return until two days ago. She had been to Main—she was summoned home by telegraph to see her dying mother—but her mother had gone before she arrived. Miss. H. is very melancholy—almost in despair says she feels as if she had nothing to live for. She wishes me to give her thanks to Mrs. B for her letter—and tell her that she (Mrs. B) has no idea of her sufferings at the time Mrs. B. left. That she suffered more keenly then, than during the last fortnight, except that there was not the hopelessness then that there is now. How the poor woman will get along I know not. Mr. Spear and wife called upon her yesterday, and he will try to find some employment for her. He proposes also to speak to Theodore Parker about her, thinking that he may either procure employment for her, or find some persons who will interest themselves for her. Mrs. Hildreth has promised to call upon her. She will not be allowed to suffer _____ if she will accept of charity—but she cannot stoop to that. She would not be allowed to suffer from want of sympathy, if she could be soothed by such could kind of sympathy as strangers would offer her—but she does not wish any such to call upon her, else Mr. Spear would ask some ladies to call upon her. I should not be surprised if she should become insane. When I called upon her today, she had a lady with her, with whom she evidently sympathized—and at first, she appeared more cheerful than I expected to see her—but when she came to speak of her mother, a look of despair came over her countenance, that was sad indeed. If she could have employment, and some friend with her to draw her mind off from her affliction, I think she would in a few days reason herself into a better state of mind.

     I like Hossuth[?] well—and have not much objection to his plans, if England could be induced to write with America to establish the principle for which Hossuth contends—or at least to act upon it so far as to tell Russia to keep hands off Hungary. But I have some doubts of the entire soundness of Hossuth’s principle of international law, in the broad terms in which he lays it down. I think international law takes cognizance of nations, as nations, without regard to the principles of their governments, and that it can hardly be said to forbid any government, whether free or despotic, to get any alliances or assistance in was [?] which it can get. If, therefore, we propose to do anything for Hungary, or for freedom any where, I think it must be done, not so much on the ground of sustaining such a principle of international law as Hossuth advocates, as on the ground of humanity, and if maintaining our commercial rights, and promoting our commercial interests.

     Hildreth’s sixth volume is not yet published. It probably will be soon—he has recently been giving it the last revision.

     I think List’s principal duties on the Commonwealth are reporting lectures, etc. though I presume he does something more than that.

     I get along slowly—although otherwise satisfactorily—with my book. I shall probably work two months longer upon it. It is a much more laborious work than I anticipated.

     I should be glad to see a copy of your paper once in a while unless you seriously think it is “not worth the postage”—a thing I should be sorry for.

     Give my love to Mrs. Bradburn, and tell her I hope I have not seen the last of her good works in the way of letter writing.

                                  Yours truly,

                                  L. Spooner         over

Jany. 19—After I had written the preceding letter, Miss Hinckley cam into our house, and passed the evening—and wrote the note that is inclosed herewith.

     In saying that if we interfere for Hungary, I think we must do it on the ground of humanity, and our commercial interests, and not on grounds of international law, I do not mean to say that we could rightfully interfere on grounds of humanity alone. I do not think that our government is a charitable institution for the benefit of the rest of the world, and that our people ought to be taxed for the benefit of other nations—but only that we might perhaps rightfully interfere on the side of humanity, if any way could be devised to make it pay—and that probably could be done only by some commercial arrangements beneficial to us.